tween the churches once more, and to recall Esmond to that
religion in which, in his infancy, he had been baptized. Holt was a
casuist, both dexterous and learned, and presented the case between
the English church and his own in such a way that those who granted
his premises ought certainly to allow his conclusions. He touched on
Esmond's delicate state of health, chance of dissolution, and so forth;
and enlarged upon the immense benefits that the sick man was likely to
forego--benefits which the church of England did not deny to those of
the Roman communion, as how should she, being derived from that church,
and only an offshoot from it? But Mr. Esmond said that his church was
the church of his country, and to that he chose to remain faithful:
other people were welcome to worship and to subscribe any other set of
articles, whether at Rome or at Augsburg. But if the good Father meant
that Esmond should join the Roman communion for fear of consequences,
and that all England ran the risk of being damned for heresy, Esmond,
for one, was perfectly willing to take his chance of the penalty along
with the countless millions of his fellow-countrymen, who were bred
in the same faith, and along with some of the noblest, the truest, the
purest, the wisest, the most pious and learned men and women in the
world.

As for the political question, in that Mr. Esmond could agree with the
Father much more readily, and had come to the same conclusion,
though, perhaps, by a different way. The right divine, about which Dr.
Sacheverel and the High Church party in England were just now making a
bother, they were welcome to hold as they chose. If Richard Cromwell,
and his father before him had been crowned and anointed (and bishops
enough would have been found to do it), it seemed to Mr. Esmond that
they would have had the right divine just as much as any Plantagenet, or
Tudor, or Stuart. But the desire of the country being unquestionably
for an hereditary monarchy, Esmond thought an English king out of St.
Germains was better and fitter than a German prince from Herrenhausen,
and that if he failed to satisfy the nation, some other Englishman might
be found to take his place; and so, though with no frantic enthusiasm,
or worship of that monstrous pedigree which the Tories chose to consider
divine, he was ready to say, "God save King James!" when Queen Anne went
the way of kings and commoners.

"I fear, Colonel, you are no better than a republ