liberty of self-government in all its parts.

As regards property, to make it secure by divesting it from injustice.

As regards political authority, to make it stable by resting it on the
broadest possible basis of popular responsibility.

As regards religion, to remove it from the odium of alliance with
political disabilities.

As regards trade, to make it world-wide by opening our own markets here
at home to everybody.

And, finally, as regards the liberty of the individual citizen, to make
it a reality instead of a sham, by universal education and by an
ever-rising standard of humane conditions both in the factory and the
home.

We have now to review briefly the discussions which went on during
these years in {283} respect to the political relations of the
different states of the Empire. Broadly speaking, two schools or
tendencies existed. One favoured the retention of the powers of
self-government already acquired by the Dominions and the taking up of
still further duties, while at the same time aiming at full
co-operation and harmony in matters of essential common interest. The
other, declaring that the tendency towards self-government had already
gone too far and would if continued lead to the disruption of the
Empire, advocated setting up some central council or parliament with
legislative and executive control over the whole Empire, within
limitations more or less wide. One stood for a free alliance and
co-operation, the other for organic or federal union and
centralization. These two theories of empire did not, in Canada,
become party creeds; but, on the whole, Liberals were sympathetic with
free alliance, while centralization drew most of its support from
Conservative ranks. On some issues, however, there was an approach to
unanimity, and on others the division cut across party lines.

In domestic affairs self-government was almost entirely won. Some
survivals of the {284} old colonial subordination remained in the
formal inability of Canadians to amend their own constitution and in
the appeal from the decisions of Canadian courts to the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council--limitations which had been wholly or
mainly removed in the case of the newer Commonwealth of Australia. But
the long-contested control over copyright was finally conceded, and the
Hutton and Dundonald incidents led to the clearer recognition that if
imperial officers entered the military service of the Dominion they