d (see p. 259) had appeared in person. The king's
patronage was shared between her and Lancaster.

10. =John Wycliffe. 1366--1376.=--If Lancaster's character had been
higher, he might have secured a widespread popularity, as the feeling
of the age was adverse to the continuance of a wealthy clergy. Even as
things were, he had on his side John Wycliffe, the most able reasoner
and devoted reformer of his age, who, like others before and after
him, imagined that a high spiritual enterprise could be achieved with
the help of low and worldly politicians. Wycliffe had distinguished
himself at Oxford, and had attracted Lancaster's notice by the ability
of his argument against the Pope's claim to levy John's tribute (see
p. 258). In =1374= he had been sent to Bruges to argue with the
representatives of the Pope on the question of the provisions, and by
=1376= had either issued, or was preparing to issue, his work _On
Civil Lordship_, in which, by a curious adaptation of feudal ideas, he
declared that all men held their possessions direct from God, as a
vassal held his estate from his lord; and that as a vassal was bound
to pay certain military services, failing which he lost his estate, so
everyone who fell into mortal sin failed to pay his service to God,
and forfeited his right to his worldly possessions. In this way
dominion, as he said, was founded on grace--that is to say, the
continuance of man's right to his possessions depended on his
remaining in a state of grace. It is true that Wycliffe qualified his
argument by alleging that he was only announcing theoretical truth,
and that no man had a right to rob another of his holding because he
believed him to be living in sin. It is evident, however, that men
like Lancaster would take no heed of this distinction, and would
welcome Wycliffe as an ally in the work of despoiling the clergy for
their own purposes.

11. =Lancaster and the Black Prince. 1376.=--Ordinary citizens, who
cared nothing for theories which they did not understand, were roused
against Lancaster by the unblushing baseness of his rule. Nor was this
all. The anti-clerical party was also a baronial party, and ever since
the Knights Bachelors of England had turned to the future Edward I. to
defend them against the barons who made the Provisions of Oxford (see
p. 199), the country gentry and townsmen had learnt the lesson that
they would be the first to suffer from the unchecked rule of the
baronage. They now