d, moral
as well as material, to France, with whose revolutionary struggles they
sympathized so deeply, than they were to avoid offense to England, whom
they hated and would gladly see crippled. Not to be an enemy of England
they held was to be an enemy of France; and not of France merely, but of
the "rights of man." They could not or would not comprehend any wisdom
in moderation, any prudence in delay. It is curious to see how party
animosity blinded even the best of them. The objection to the word
"neutrality" was a mere quibble; for the proclamation called upon all
good citizens to maintain at their peril that state which, in all
dictionaries, neutrality is defined to be. Mr. Jefferson, in instructing
as secretary of state the American ministers abroad as to the attitude
assumed by the government, could find no better term than "a fair
neutrality." The fact was, the Republican leaders wished to avoid taking
any positive stand, partly because delay might be a help to France, and
partly in obedience to the law of party politics, in opposition to the
other side. They were not at first quite sure of their ground, and
wanted to gain time. Mr. Madison seems to have waited about six weeks
before he could venture upon a positive opinion as to the proclamation.
The newspapers helped him to a knowledge of party opinion, and party
opinion helped him to make up his own. "Every 'Gazette' I see,"--he
wrote in June, about eight weeks after the proclamation was
published,--"every 'Gazette' I see (except that of the United States
[Federalist]) exhibits a spirit of criticism on the Anglified complexion
charged on the Executive politics.... The proclamation was, in truth, a
most unfortunate error." A week before, he had been seemingly cautious
even in writing to Jefferson. Then he had observed that newspaper
criticisms aroused attention, and he had heard expressions of surprise
"that the President should have declared the United States to be neutral
in the unqualified terms used, when we were so notoriously and
unequivocally under eventual engagements to defend the American
possessions of France. I have heard it remarked, also, that the
impartiality enjoined on the people was as little reconcilable with
their moral obligations as the unconditional neutrality proclaimed by
the government is with the express articles of the treaty." He adds: "I
have been mortified that on these points I could offer no _bona fide_
explanations that might b