e declared against the hated British.

Such were the sentiments of the French sympathizers, or Democrats as
they were then termed in political parlance. But the English
sympathizers, or Federalists, held very different opinions. They made
no attempt to excuse the offensive attitude assumed by England, but
claimed that so soon as her war with France was over she would admit
the injustice of her actions, and make due reparation for the injuries
she had heaped upon American commerce. But they pointed out that for
one vessel taken by England, ten were seized by French privateers, or
piratical vessels of nondescript nationality, but bearing French
papers. As for France loving republican principles, her republicanism
was founded upon blood and the guillotine. She was no longer the
nation that had aided the struggling Colonies. She was the nation that
had foully murdered the kind king who had lent that aid two decades
before. Besides these arguments, the Federalists did not scruple to
hint, that, in a second war with England, the United States might lose
the independence so recently won, while the navy of France was not so
greatly to be dreaded.

Indeed, the American people of that day might well be excused for
lethargy in resenting the insults of any first-class naval power. It
is not too strong a statement, to say that at this time, when the need
was greatest, the United States had no navy. At the close of the
Revolution, the navy had been disbanded, the ships sold, and the
officers dispersed among the vessels of the merchant marine. This fact
alone is enough to account for the depredations of French, English,
Portuguese, Tripolitans, and the hordes of pirates without a country.
Is there no lesson in this? From this lesson of history cannot we
deduce the rule that a nation with 6,000 miles of seacoast, a republic
hated by all monarchies, must maintain its sea-power if it would
maintain its honor? The naval regeneration begun in 1893 ought not to
be checked until the United States ranks next to Great Britain as a
naval power.

But the depredations of the enemies of American commerce at last
reached such a point that Congress could no longer overlook the
necessity for an American navy. In March, 1794, Congress, after
listening to a message from the President detailing the depredations
of the Algerines, passed an Act authorizing the construction or
purchase of six frigates, or an equivalent naval force. This was the
beginni