e adopted, nor even temperately and candidly considered.
And it was not. In a manner quite unusual, it was discussed, assailed,
denounced, before it was allowed to take the course of reference and
examination.

The difficulties we meet in carrying out our system of constitutional
government are indeed extraordinary. The Constitution was intended as
an instrument of great political good; but we sometimes so dispute its
meaning, that we cannot use it at all. One man will not have a bank,
without the power of local discount, against the consent of the States;
for that, he insists, would break the Constitution. Another will not
have a bank with such a power, because he thinks that would break the
Constitution. A third will not have an exchequer, with authority to deal
in exchanges, because that would increase executive influence, and so
might break the Constitution. And between them all, we are like the
boatman who, in the midst of rocks and currents and whirlpools, will not
pull one stroke for safety, lest he break his oar. Are we now looking
for the time when we can charter a United States Bank with a large
private subscription? When will that be? When confidence is restored.
Are we, then, to do nothing to save the vessel from sinking, till the
chances of the winds and waves have landed us on the shore? He is more
sanguine than I am, who thinks that the time will soon come when the
Whigs have more power to work effectually for the good of the country
than they now have. The voice of patriotism calls upon them not to
postpone, but to act at this moment, at the very next session; to make
the best of their means, and to try. You say that the administration is
responsible; why not, then, try the plan it has recommended. If it
fails, let the President bear the responsibility. If you will not try
this plan, why not propose something else?

Gentlemen, in speaking of events that have happened, I ought to say, and
will, since I am making a full and free communication, that there is no
one of my age, and I am no longer very young, who has written or spoken
more against the abuse and indiscreet use of the veto power than I have.
And there is no one whose opinions upon this subject are less changed. I
presume it is universally known, that I have advised against the use of
the veto power on every occasion when it has been used since I have been
in the Cabinet. But I am, nevertheless, not willing to join those who
seem more desirous t