eedings of the Convention. The whole history of the
occurrence to which he alludes is simply this. Towards the conclusion of
the Convention, after the provisions of the Constitution had been mainly
agreed upon, after the power to lay duties and the power to regulate
commerce had both been granted, a long list of propositions was made and
referred to the committee, containing various miscellaneous powers, some
or all of which it was thought might be properly vested in Congress.
Among these was a power to establish a university; to grant charters of
incorporation; to regulate stage-coaches on the post-roads, and also the
power to which the gentleman refers, and which is expressed in these
words: "To establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities, for
the promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades, and manufactures." The
committee made no report on this or various other propositions in the
same list. But the only inference from this omission is, that neither
the committee nor the Convention thought it proper to authorize Congress
"to establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities," for the
promotion of manufactures, and other interests. The Convention supposed
it had done enough,--at any rate, it had done all it intended,--when it
had given to Congress, in general terms, the power to lay imposts and
the power to regulate trade. It is not to be argued, from its omission
to give more, that it meant to take back what it had already given. It
had given the impost power; it had given the regulation of trade; and it
did not deem it necessary to give the further and distinct power of
establishing public institutions.

The other fact, Sir, on which the gentleman relies, is the declaration
of Mr. Martin to the legislature of Maryland. The gentleman supposes Mr.
Martin to have urged against the Constitution, that it did not contain
the power of protection. But if the gentleman will look again at what
Mr. Martin said, he will find, I think, that what Mr. Martin complained
of was, that the Constitution, by its prohibitions on the States, had
taken away from the States themselves the power of protecting their own
manufactures by duties on imports. This is undoubtedly true; but I find
no expression of Mr. Martin intimating that the Constitution had not
conferred on Congress the same power which it had thus taken from the
States.

But, Sir, let us go to the first Congress; let us look in upon this and
the other house, at