he emperour of Germany, and continuing their
abhorrence of French mediators, concluded, without the intervention of
any other power, a treaty both of peace and alliance with his imperial
majesty.

This, my lords, was the famous treaty of Vienna, the source of so many
projects and expedients, of so much terrour and solicitude, of such
immense expenses, and perplexed negotiations. This treaty, a paper
innocent and well-meaning, which related only to the contracting
parties, kept, for some time, this nation in alarms, in apprehensions of
conspiracies, and expectations of invasions.

To this treaty, had we singly regarded our own affairs, without applying
to France for instructions, we ought to have acceded, by which we should
have divided the interest of the house of Bourbon, broken the
combination of these pontifical powers, and, by improving one lucky
incident, obtained what our arms and our politicks had never, hitherto,
been able to accomplish.

But the French, sensible of their danger, and well acquainted with our
minister, contrived an expedient which, indeed, would not often have
succeeded, but which was so well adapted to the intellects of this
gentleman, that it extricated them from all their difficulties.

They told us, my lords, and, what is yet more wonderful, they prevailed
upon us to believe, that in this dreadful treaty of Vienna, it was
stipulated between the German emperour and Spain, that they should
employ their joint forces against Britain, that they should exalt the
pretender to the throne, take immediate possession of Gibraltar, and,
without mercy, debar us for ever from our trade both in Spain and in the
Western Indies. This his late majesty was advised to assert in his
speech from the throne, which I desire may be read.

Of which the following clauses were read:

"My lords and gentlemen,

"The distressed condition of some of our religious brethren abroad, and
the negotiations and engagements entered into by some foreign powers,
which seem to have laid the foundation of new troubles and disturbances
in Europe, and to threaten my subjects with the loss of several of the
most advantageous branches of their trade, obliged me, without any loss
of time, to concert with other powers such measures as might give a
check to the ambitious views of those who are endeavouring to render
themselves formidable, and put a stop to the farther progress of such
dangerous designs. For these ends I have entered i