n some points
of view it is better to be defeated outright, than to be pitched in like
me at Greenwich." The numbers were Boord (C.) 6193, Gladstone (L.) 5968,
Liardet (C.) 5561, Langley (L.) 5255.

(M155) The conservative reaction was general. Scotland and Wales still
returned a liberal majority, but even in these strongholds a breach was
made--a net loss of 3 in Wales, of 9 in Scotland. From the English counties
145 tories were returned, and no more than 27 liberals, a loss of 13. In
the greater boroughs, hitherto regarded as staunchly ministerial, some of
the most populous returned tories. The metropolitan elections went against
the government, and 7 seats were lost--three in the city, one in
Westminster, in both cases by immense majorities. The net liberal loss in
the English boroughs was 32. In England and Wales the tory majority was
105; in Great Britain it stood at 83. When all was over, the new House
contained a conservative majority of 48, or on another estimate, of 50,
but really, in Mr. Gladstone's words, "of much greater strength."

Numbers, as Mr. Gladstone said afterwards, did not exhibit the whole
measure of the calamity. An extraordinary portent arose in that quarter
from which so many portents spring. "The liberal majority reckoned to have
been returned from Ireland was at once found to be illusory. Out of the
105 members the liberals were little more than a dozen. The period
immediately following the Church Act and Land Act had been chosen as one
appropriate for a formal severance of the Irish national party from the
general body of British liberals. Their number was no less than
fifty-eight, an actual majority of the Irish representation. They assumed
the name of home rulers, and established a separate parliamentary
organisation. On some questions of liberal opinion co-operation was still
continued. But, as regards the party, the weight of the home rulers
clearly told more in favour of the conservative ministry than of the
opposition; and the liberal party would have been stronger not weaker had
the entire body been systematically absent."(306) Before the election was
over, Mr. Chichester Fortescue had warned him that he expected defeat in
the county of Louth, for which he had sat ever since 1847; the defeat
came. Mr. Gladstone wrote to him (Feb. 11):--

I receive with great concern your dark prognostication of the
result of the Louth election. It would be so painful in a public
view w