doings of modern Europe.
Undoubtedly some who have fallen into shift and deceit in this particular
relation, have yet been true as steel in all else. For a man's character
is a strangely fitted mosaic, and it is unsafe to assume that all his
traits are of one piece, or inseparable in fact because they ought to be
inseparable by logic. But people were in no humour for casuistry, and
whether all this be sophistry or sense, the volume of hostile judgment and
obstinate intention could neither be mistaken, nor be wisely breasted if
home rule was to be saved in Great Britain.

Mr. Gladstone remained at Hawarden during the week. To Mr. Arnold Morley
he wrote (Nov. 23): "I have a bundle of letters every morning on the
Parnell business, and the bundles increase. My own opinion has been the
same from the first, and I conceive that the time for action has now come.
All my correspondents are in unison." Every post-bag was heavy with
admonitions, of greater cogency than such epistles sometimes possess; and
a voluminous bundle of letters still at Hawarden bears witness to the
emotions of the time. Sir William Harcourt and I, who had taken part in
the proceedings at Sheffield, made our reports. The acute manager of the
liberal party came to announce that three of our candidates had bolted
already, that more were sure to follow, and that this indispensable
commodity in elections would become scarcer than ever. Of the general
party opinion, there could be no shadow of doubt. It was no application of
special rigour because Mr. Parnell was an Irishman. Any English politician
of his rank would have fared the same or worse, and retirement, temporary
or for ever, would have been inevitable. Temporary withdrawal, said some;
permanent withdrawal, said others; but for withdrawal of some sort, almost
all were inexorable.

IV

Mr. Gladstone did not reach London until the afternoon of Monday, November
24. Parliament was to assemble on the next day. Three members of the
cabinet of 1886, and the chief whip of the party,(274) met him in the
library of Lord Rendel's house at Carlton Gardens. The issue before the
liberal leaders was a plain one. It was no question of the right of the
nationalists to choose their own chief. It was no question of inflicting
political ostracism on a particular kind of moral delinquency. The
question was whether the present continuance of the Irish leadership with
the silent assent of the British leaders, did not