been
the brains of the old Senecal-Chapleau combination which had
dominated Quebec in the eighties. Just what Laurier thought of the
company he was now keeping was a matter of record for he had set it
forth in a famous article in L'Electeur in 1882 entitled "The Den of
Thieves," which led to L. A. Senecal, the Bleu "boss," prosecuting
him for criminal libel. Laurier stood his trial in Montreal, pleaded
justification, and after a hard fought battle won a virtual triumph
through a disagreement of the jury with ten of the jurymen favorable
to acquittal.

LAST ROUND WITH THE BISHOPS

Little wonder that Francois Langelier, his brother Charles, and
other associates of Laurier in the lean years of proscription were
consumed with indignation that Laurier should pass them by to
associate with his former enemies. They did not realize the
political necessity that controlled Laurier's course. Laurier had
great need to hold his new allies for his position in Quebec for the
first year or so of office was precarious. The Manitoba school
question had still to be settled. Laurier was political realist
enough to know that he would have to take what he could get and this
he would have to dress up and present to the public as his own
child. He knew that the bishops, chagrined, humiliated, enraged by
their election experience, were only waiting for the announcement of
settlement to open war on him. It would then depend upon whether or
not they were more successful than in June in commanding the support
of their people. In Laurier's own words: "They will not pardon us
for their check of last summer; they want revenge at all costs."

The real fight, it was recognized, would be in Rome. Thither there
went within two months of the Liberals taking office, two emissaries
of the French Liberals, the parish priest of St. Lin, a lifelong,
personal and political friend of Laurier, and Chevalier Drolet, one
of the Canadian papal Zouaves, who had rallied to the defence of the
Holy City twenty-six years before. There followed swiftly two more
distinguished intermediaries, Charles Fitzpatrick, solicitor-general
of Canada, and Charles Russell, of London, son of Lord Russell of
Killowen. Backing them up was a petition to the pope signed by
Laurier and forty-four members of parliament, protesting against the
political actions of the Canadian episcopate. Nor did the Canadian
hierarchy lack representation in Rome. While this conflict of
influence was in