ender it Illegal._
The numbers of a meeting--that is to say, such an assembly of persons as
would create terror in the minds of people living in the
neighbourhood,--would justify the magistrate in taking measures to
disperse it.
_June 15, 1838._
_Real cause of our interference in Spain._
The system of interference adopted by his late majesty's government, by
means of the quadruple treaty, was with a view to the contest between
extreme opinions--it was more with a view of aiding these extreme
opinions, than to the arrangement of the mere differences between Don
Carlos, upon the one side, and the queen, or her daughter, upon the
other; to support certain opinions, and not to determine the succession,
was the cause of interference. I regret interference upon that ground; I
object to interference upon that ground; and I say, moreover, that we
were not right in interfering upon that ground. I maintain that, more
particularly on account of the extreme opinions that prevailed, we ought
not to have interfered at all; but most especially we ought not,
according to the common practice of this government, and in accordance
with the declared political principles of the noble lords themselves, to
have interfered in a question involving extreme political opinions. Now
it has unfortunately happened that extreme political principles have
been forced upon a great part of Europe by means of large armies and of
great military forces, and it was consequently expected that the same
thing would succeed in Spain. This, I believe, was the object of our
interference with Spain, and not to determine the Spanish succession.
_June 19, 1838._
_We had no right to interfere against Don Carlos._
I say we had no business to interfere in the question of succession.
There might have been some pretext for interference in the question of
succession, if any of the powers of Europe had taken part with Don
Carlos, but that was not the case. The noble baron (Lord Holland)
cheers. I say, confidently, that not one of the powers in Europe had
stirred a finger in support of the pretensions of Don Carlos. I say,
then, that, according to all principles--the principles supported and
acted upon by this country, in the case of the house of Braganza, and
many other cases that I could mention--we ought to have avoided
interference; and we ought to have avoided interference by armies more
particularly, in the contests in Spain. I say, my lords, that not a
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