is opinion on the subject, or rather that, having
disapproved of the practice as unreformed, he blesses it altogether in
its later development. With reference to the utility of the practice, I
should like to call the attention of "M." to a passage in the latest
edition of Hall's book which is perhaps not irrelevant to current
politics:--

"The circumstances of the Greek blockade of 1886 show that
occasions may occur in which pacific blockade has an efficacy
which no other measure would possess. The irresponsible
recklessness of Greece was endangering the peace of the
world; advice and threats had been proved to be useless; it
was not till the material evidence of the blockade was
afforded that the Greek imagination could be impressed with
the belief that the majority of the Great Powers of Europe
were in earnest in their determination that war should be
avoided."

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND.
Oxford, March 5 (1897).

THE VENEZUELAN CONTROVERSY

Sir,--Apart from the practical difficulty, so ably described by Sir
Robert Giffen in your issue of this morning, of obtaining compensation
in money from a State which seems to be at once bankrupt and in the
throes of revolution, not a few questions of law and policy, as to which
misunderstanding is more than probable, are raised from day to day by
the action of the joint squadrons in Venezuelan waters. It may therefore
be worth while to attempt to disentangle the more important of these
questions from the rest, and to indicate in each case the principles
involved.

1. Are we at war with Venezuela? Till reading the reports of what passed
last night in the House of Commons, I should have replied to this
question unhesitatingly in the negative. Most people whose attention has
been directed to such matters must have supposed that we were engaged in
the execution of "reprisals," the nature and legitimacy of which have
long been recognised by international law. They consist, of course, in
the exertion of pressure, short of war; over which they possess the
following advantages: They are strictly limited in scope; they cease,
when their object has been attained, without the formalities of a treaty
of peace; and, no condition of "belligerency" existing between the
Powers immediately concerned, third Powers are not called upon to
undertake the onerous obligations of "neutrality." The objection
someti