ies are not operative forces because they
appear to be subordinated to the pressure of small local or temporal
expediencies. Underneath these detailed actions, which seem in large
measure the product of chance, or of the selfish or sentimental effort
of some individual or party, the historian is able to trace the
underworking of some large principle which furnishes the key to the real
logic of events. The spirit of democracy has played a very small part in
the conscious effort of the democratic workers. But the inductive study
of modern history shows it as a force dominating the course of events,
directing and "operating" the _minor_ forces which worked unconsciously
in the fulfilment of its purpose. So it is with this spirit of
socialism. The professed socialist is a rare, perhaps an unnecessary,
person, who wishes to instruct and generally succeeds in scaring
humanity by bringing out into the light of conscious day the dim
principle which is working at the back of the course of events. Since
this conscious socialism is not an industrial force of any great
influence in England, it is not here necessary to discuss the claim of
the theoretic socialist to provide a solution for the problem of
poverty. But it is of importance for us to recognize clearly the nature
of the interpretation theoretic socialists place upon the order of
events set forth in this chapter, for this interpretation throws
considerable light on the industrial condition of labour.

We see that the land nationalizer claims to remove, and the land
reformer in general to abate, the evil of poverty by securing for those
dependent on the fluctuating value and uncertain tenure of wage-labour
an equal share in those land-values, the product of nature and social
activity, which are at present monopolized by a few. Now the quality of
monopoly which the land nationalizer finds in land, the professed
socialist finds also in all forms of capital. The more discreet and
thoughtful socialist in England at least does not deny that the special
material forms of capital, and the services they render, may be in part
due to the former activity of their present owners, or of those from
whom their present owners have legitimately acquired them; but he
affirms that a large part of the value of these forms of capital, and of
the interest obtained for their use, is due to a monopoly of certain
opportunities and powers which are social property just as much as land
is. The follo