amendments to the bill as the Senate had framed it.
It was agreed, on motion of Mr. Wilson of Iowa, to add a _proviso_ to
the fifth section, in these words: "that no person excluded from the
privilege of holding office by said proposed amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, shall be eligible as a member of a
convention to frame a constitution for any of said rebellious States,
nor shall any such person vote for members of such convention." It was
also agreed, on motion of Mr. Shellabarger, that "until the people of
said rebel States shall be admitted to representation in the Congress
of the United States, any civil governments which may exist therein
shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the
paramount authority of the United States at any time to abolish,
modify, control, or supersede. . . . All persons shall be entitled to
vote, and none others, who are entitled to vote under the fifth section
of this act; and no person shall be eligible to any office under such
provisional government, who shall be disqualified from holding office
under the provisions of the Third Article of such Constitutional
amendment." With these modifications both Senate and House passed the
bill by a party vote. During the discussion in the Senate Mr.
Doolittle moved that "nothing in this act shall be construed to
disfranchise any persons in any of said States from voting or holding
office who have received pardon and amnesty in accordance with the
Constitution and Laws." The proposition received but eight votes. The
bill went to the President for approval on the 20th of February,
leaving but a small margin of time for passage over his veto if as
anticipated he should decline to sign it. The decisive character of
the measure had evoked fierce opposition, and this in turn had
stimulated Republican advocacy to a degree of great earnestness.
On the 2d of March the President sent to the House, in which branch the
bill had originated, a long veto message of very comprehensive
character. He had summed up all the arguments that had been made
against the measure in both Houses, and he arrayed them with greater
strength than when they were originally presented. His argument
against placing the States under military government was cogently
stated. "This bill," said he, "imposes martial law at once, and its
operation will begin as soon as the general and his troops can be put
in place. The dread alternativ
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