n the slavery question, had been driven
to a practical union with the Democratic party.
A few days after Mr. Speed's resignation Mr. James Harlan retired from
the Interior Department. He would have broken his relations with the
President long before, but for the same cause that had detained Mr.
Dennison. He was extremely reluctant to surrender the large patronage
of the Interior Department to the control of a successor who would
undoubtedly use it to promote the Reconstruction policy of the
President, just as Mr. Randall would use the patronage of the Post-office
Department. Mr. Harlan had therefore remained in the Cabinet as
long as was consistent with his personal dignity, for the purpose of
protecting the Republican principles which the President and he were
alike pledged to uphold. He was succeeded by Mr. Orville H. Browning
of Illinois, who had been a devoted friend of Mr. Lincoln, and had done
much to secure his nomination at Chicago. He had served for two years
in the Senate after the death of Mr. Douglas, and but for the immediate
control over his course by President Lincoln would have been a co-laborer
with those who were hostile to the mode in which the war was prosecuted.
His faith in Mr. Lincoln, his great admiration for his talents and
his strong personal attachment to him, had for the time maintained
Mr. Browning in loyalty to the Republican party; but with the
restraining influence of the great President gone, Mr. Browning, by
reason of his prejudices not less than his convictions, at once
affiliated and co-operated with the Democratic party. He was a man of
fair ability and of honorable intentions, but always narrow in his
views of public policy. Any thing that could possibly be considered
radical inevitably encountered his hostility.
The political campaign of 1866 was one of greater excitement than had
ever been witnessed in this country, except in the election of a
President. The chief interest was in choosing members of the House of
Representatives for the Fortieth Congress, and in controlling the
Legislatures which were to choose senators of the United States and
pass upon the Fourteenth Amendment. In elections of this character,
even in periods of deepest interest, the demonstrations of popular
feeling are confined to the respective States, but in this instance
there were no less than four National Convention, three of them, at
least, of imposing magnitude and exerting great influence on
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