o the Congress of the Union?"

Though many others had foreseen and appreciated the danger, Mr. Stevens
was the first to state in detail the effect which might be produced by
the manumission of the slaves upon the Congressional representation of
the Southern States. He pointed out the fact that by counting negroes
in the basis of representation, the number of representatives from the
South would be eighty-three; excluding negroes from the basis of
representation, they would be reduced to forty-six; and so long as
negroes were deprived of suffrage he contended that they should be
excluded from the basis of representation. "If," said he, "they
should grant the right of suffrage to persons of color, I think there
would always be white men enough in the South, aided by the blacks,
to divide representation and thus continue loyal ascendency. If they
should refuse to thus alter their election laws it would reduce the
representation of the late slave States, and render them powerless for
evil." Mr. Stevens's obvious theory at that time was not to touch
the question of suffrage by National interposition, but to reach it
more effectively perhaps by excluding the entire colored population
from the basis of Congressional representation, until by the action of
the Southern States themselves the elective franchise should be
conceded to the colored population. As he proceeded in his speech, Mr.
Stevens waxed warm with all his ancient fire on the slavery question.
"We have," said he, "turned or are about to turn loose four million
slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The
diabolical laws of slavery have prevented them from acquiring an
education, understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing
the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to look after
them until they can take care of themselves. If we do not hedge them
around with protecting laws, if we leave them to the legislation of
their old masters, we had better have left them in bondage. Their
condition will be worse than that of our prisoners at Andersonville.
If we fail in this great duty now when we have the power, we shall
deserve to receive the execration of history and of all future ages."

In conclusion Mr. Stevens declared that "Two things are of vital
importance: first, to establish a principle that none of the rebel
States shall be counted in any of the Amendments to the Constitution,
until they are duly admitt