bound
the Whigs in a common faith and common glory, from Walpole to
Gladstone, and their more conservative rivals in a creed of loyalty
whose disciples, from Bolingbroke to Beaconsfield, include many of the
noblest of British patriots.
For these party associations, to whose influence, under the restraint
of intelligent patriotism, the wisest legislation is due, Mr. Schurz
has neither approbation nor appreciation. He aspires to the title of
"Independent," and has described his own position as that of a man
sitting on a fence, with clean boots, watching carefully which way he
may leap to keep out of the mud. A critic might, without carping,
suggest that it is the duty of an earnest man to disregard the
bespattering which fidelity to principle often incurs, and that a
beaten path to safe place for one's self is not an inspiring or worthy
object of statesmanship.
Nor is Mr. Schurz's independence of party more pronounced or more
complete than his independence of true American feeling. He has
taken no pride in appearing under the simple but lofty title of a
citizen of the United States. He stands rather as a representative
German-American. He has made his native nationality a political resource,
and has thereby fallen short of the full honor due to his adopted
nationality. The large body of American citizens of German birth are
intensely attached to their new home, and seek the most complete
identification of themselves and their descendants with the development
and destiny of the Great Republic. This is wise, and is in accordance
with the best traditions and best aspirations of the Teutonic race.
But to Mr. Schurz the Republic is not great! "This country," said he,
in his Centennial lecture, "is materially great, but morally small."
--Allen G. Thurman came suddenly into prominence in 1867. He was the
Democratic nominee for Governor of Ohio against Rutherford B. Hayes.
For the three years immediately preceding his candidacy the Republican
majorities in the State had averaged nearly 45,000, while in 1863
Vallandingham had been beaten by 101,699. Without premonition or
visible cause, in an election for State officers only, and not for
representatives in Congress, the total vote of 1867 proved to be larger
than had ever been cast in the State, while the majority of General
Hayes was less than three thousand. The Legislature was carried at the
same time by the Democrats, and it proved that Mr. Thurman had lost
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