rolled and checked, or it will be
abused; hence the desirableness of a vigorous opposition in the House
of Commons; and hence a wish, grounded upon a conviction of general
expediency, that the opposition to ministry, whose head and chief seat
of action are in Parliament, should be efficaciously diffused through
all parts of the Country. On this principle the two grand divisions of
Party, under our free government, are founded. Conscience regulated by
expediency, is the basis; honour, binding men to each other in spite of
temptation, is the corner-stone; and the superstructure is friendship,
protecting kindness, gratitude, and all the moral sentiments by which
self-interest is liberalized. Such is Party, looked at on the favourable
side. Cogent _moral_ inducements, therefore, exist for the prevalence of
two powerful bodies in the practice of the State, spreading their
influence and interests throughout the country; and, on _political_
considerations, it is desirable that the strength of each should bear
such proportion to that of the other, that, while Ministry are able to
carry into effect measures not palpably injurious, the vigilance of
Opposition may turn to account, being backed by power at all times
sufficient to awe, but never, (were that possible) except when supported
by manifest reason, to intimidate.
Such apportioning of the strength of the two Parties _has_ existed; such
a degree of power the Opposition formerly possessed; and if they have
lost that salutary power, if they are dwindled and divided, they must
ascribe it to their own errors. They are weak because they have been
unwise: they are brought low, because when they had solid and high
ground to stand upon, they took a flight into the air. To have hoped too
ardently of human nature, as they did at the commencement of the French
Revolution, was no dishonour to them as men; but _politicians_ cannot be
allowed to plead temptations of fancy, or impulses of feeling, in
exculpation of mistakes in judgement. Grant, however, to the enthusiasm
of Philanthropy as much indulgence as it may call for, it is still
extraordinary that, in the minds of English Statesmen and Legislators,
the naked absurdity of the means did not raise a doubt as to the
attainableness of the end. Mr. Fox, captivated by the vanities of a
system founded upon abstract rights, chaunted his expectations in the
House of Parliament; and too many of his Friends partook of the
illusion. The most s
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