ral feeling of the people has to be killed. But could
you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people as the
German, stamped in the civilization of which it was one of the
generating elements, can be killed, or that it can bear for a long while
such an outrage? Do you think that the people which met the insolent
bulls of the Pope in Rome by the Reformation and the thirty years' war,
and the numberless armies of Napoleon by a general rising--that this
people will tamely submit to the Russian influence, more arrogant than
the Papal pretensions, more disastrous than the exactions of the French
Empire? They broke the power of Rome and of Paris; will they agree to be
governed by St. Petersburg? Those who are accustomed to see in history
only the Princes, will say Aye, but they forget that since the
Reformation it is no longer the Princes who make the history, but the
People; they see the tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern
hurricane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved.
Gentlemen, the German princes bow before the Czar, but the German people
will never bow before him.
Let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of Germany in
these few words: 1848 and 1849 have proved that the little tyrants of
Germany cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon
Austria and Prussia. These again cannot stand by themselves, but only by
their reliance upon Russia. Take this reliance away, by maintaining the
laws of nations against the principle of interference,--(for the joint
powers of America and England can maintain them)--and all the despotic
governments, reduced to stand by their own resources of power, must fall
before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of Germany, like
rotten fruit touched by a gale.
Let me now speak about the condition of my own dear native land. I hope
not to meet any contradiction when I say that no condition can and will
endure, which is so bad, so insupportable, that, by trying to change it,
a people can lose nothing, and may gain everything. No condition can and
will endure, the maintenance of which is contrary to every interest of
every class. A revolution on the contrary is unavoidable, when every
interest of every class wishes and requires it. I will first speak of
the lower, and still the most powerful of all, of the material interest.
There are some countries, where, however insupportable the condition of
the masses, still the g
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