mand extraordinary measures. Now, there is nothing but what
is customary, simple, and right, in the conduct of the North; it knows
it, and will not, I think, permit such an advantage to be gained over
it. To allow talking, to allow propositions, and to go its own way, this
is the programme to which it is bound to remain faithful. What makes its
honor makes also its strength: this is the privilege of good causes.

The North has not to seek bases for a compromise. They are all laid
down, and I dare affirm, whatever may happen, that to these bases,
constantly the same, it will not fail to return, provided, at least,
that the era of compromises shall not be closed, and that the South
shall not have succeeded in imposing on the North a decidedly abolition
policy. To speak truly, it has but one declaration to make: to proclaim
anew the constitutional law, by virtue of which each State sovereignly
decides its own affairs, and consequently excludes all interference of
Congress in the matter of slavery. Perhaps, alas! it will join, if need
be, to this declaration, which it has never refused, the promise to
respect to the utmost of its power, the principle of the restitution of
fugitive slaves, which, unhappily, is also based upon the Constitution.
But, on this point, promises are worth what they will fetch, for
doubtless no one will imagine that it is easier to constrain the free
States to accomplish an odious deed which is revolting to their
conscience since they have verified their strength by electing Mr.
Lincoln. Lastly, upon the ruling question, that of the Territories, the
theory of the North evinces justice and clearness; between the ultra
abolitionists, who wish Congress to interfere to close by force all the
Territories to slavery, and the South, which wishes Congress to
interfere to open by force all the Territories to slavery, it adopts
this middle position: all the inhabitants of the Territories shall open
or close them to slavery, according to their will. It is the right of
the majority, recognized there as elsewhere.

I am not ignorant that Mr. Seward has gone much farther in the path of
concession, and it is not absolutely impossible that these counsels of
weakness may prevail. We must be prepared for any thing in this respect.
Nevertheless, the President has by no means continued the imprudent
words of his future prime minister. The language of Mr. Lincoln was
remarkably clear in his inaugural speech, to go no fu