come such
that it can be contested neither in the House of Representatives, nor in
the Senate, nor in the presidential election; the supremacy resides at
the North, the programme of the South is rent in a thousand pieces.

Against this, all the compromises in the world can do nothing. If Mr.
Lincoln is the first President opposed to slavery, Mr. Buchanan is the
last President favorable to slavery; the American policy is henceforth
fixed. Reflect, in fact, on what these four years of government will
produce. The result is so enormous, that, unhappily, one might be
tempted to say at Washington: "We will do all that is wished, provided
we preserve the handling of affairs."

The power of a President is doubtless inconsiderable, but his advent is
that of a party. This party is about to renew all administrations, great
and small; the same majority which has elected him will modify before
long the tendencies of the courts; in fine, the general affairs of the
Union will be managed in a new spirit. It was advancing in one
direction, it is about to move in the opposite. Mr. Lincoln is not one
to shut his eyes on filibustering attempts to strive to take Cuba for
the slavery party, to permit States to be carved out of Mexico, and
others to be made ready by subdividing Texas. The process which is about
to be accomplished reminds me of the measures taken to combat a vast
conflagration: the first thing done is to circumscribe its locality.

At the end of the four years of Mr. Lincoln's administration, the flames
which threatened to devour the Union will be completely hemmed in.
Considering the United States as a whole, and independently of the
incidents of separation, we are justified in believing that the
respective number of free and of slave States will leave no chance for
the ulterior extension of a great scourge. Do we delude ourselves by
thinking that the progress already begun in the border States will have
been accelerated in its course, and that many of them will have freely
passed over to the side of liberty? Is it certain, moreover, that the
hesitation of some of the churches will have ceased, and that the
influence of the Gospel, so decisive in America, will have finally
placed itself entire at the service of the good cause?

Let there be a compromise or not, let the great secession of the South
be prevented or not, let civil war break forth or not, let it give or
not give to the South the fleeting eclat of first succes