es before the statesmen and
peoples of the world for the extension of law and common citizenship and
the prevention of war there are two parallel lines of advance.

One road lies through the development of what is known as International,
but should more properly be called _Inter-State Law_, through the revival,
on a firmer and broader foundation, of the Concert of Europe conceived by
the Congress of Vienna just a hundred years ago--itself a revival, on
a secular basis, of the great mediaeval ideal of an international
Christendom, held together by Christian Law and Christian ideals. That
ideal faded away for ever at the Reformation, which grouped Europe into
independent sovereign States ruled by men responsible to no one outside
their own borders. It will never be revived on an ecclesiastical basis. Can
we hope for its revival on a basis of modern democracy, modern nationality,
and modern educated public opinion? Can Inter-State Law, hitherto a mere
shadow of the majestic name it bears, almost a matter of convention and
etiquette, with no permanent tribunal to interpret it, and no government
to enforce it, be enthroned with the necessary powers to maintain justice
between the peoples and governments of the world?

Such a Law the statesmen of Great Britain and Russia sought to impose on
Europe in 1815, to maintain a state of affairs which history has shown to
have been intolerable to the European peoples. There are those who hope
that the task can be resumed, on a better basis, at the next Congress.
"Shall we try again," writes Professor Gilbert Murray,[1] "to achieve
Castlereagh's and Alexander's ideal of a permanent Concert, pledged to make
collective war upon the peace-breaker? Surely we must. We must, at all
costs and in spite of all difficulties, because the alternative means
such unspeakable failure. We must learn to agree, we civilised nations of
Europe, or else we must perish. I believe that the chief council of wisdom
here is to be sure to go far enough. We need a permanent Concert, perhaps a
permanent Common Council, in which every awkward problem can be dealt with
before it has time to grow dangerous, and in which outvoted minorities must
accustom themselves to giving way."

[Footnote 1: _Hibbert Journal,_ Oct. 1914, p. 77.]

Other utterances by public men, such as Mr. Roosevelt and our own Prime
Minister, might be cited in the same sense; but Professor Murray's has been
chosen because he has had the courage