ything short of it would do in America." He
praised the British Constitution, quoting Monsieur Necker as saying that
"it was the only government in the world which unites government
strength with individual security." He analysed and explained your
Constitution as it then was and advocated an elective monarchy in form
though not in name. It is true that he called the executive a "governor"
and not a king, but the governor, so-called, was to serve for life and
was given not only "a negative on all laws about to be passed," but even
the execution of all duly enacted laws was in his discretion. The
governor, with the consent of the Senate, was to make war, conclude all
treaties, make all appointments, pardon all offences, with the full
power through his negative of saying what laws should be passed and
which enforced. Hamilton's governor would have been not dissimilar to
Louis XIV, and could have said with him, "_L'etat, c'est moi_!" The
Senate also served for life, and the only concession which Hamilton made
to democracy was an elective house of representatives. Thinly veiled,
his plan contemplated an elective king with greater powers than those of
George III, an imitation House of Lords and a popular House of Commons
with a limited tenure.

Hamilton's plan was never taken seriously and, so far as the records
show, was never afterwards considered. His admirers have given great
praise to his work in the federal convention. His real contribution lay
in the fact that when the Constitution was finally drafted and offered
to the people, while he regarded it as a "wretched makeshift," to use
his own expression, yet he was broad and patriotic enough to surrender
his own views and advocate the adoption of the Constitution. In so
doing, he fought a valorous fight, secured the acquiescence of the State
of New York, and without its ratification the Constitution would never
have been adopted. Hamilton later thought better of the Constitution,
and its successful beginning is due in large measure to his genius for
constructive administration.

As the debate proceeded, the crisis precipitated by the seemingly
insoluble differences between the great and little States became more
acute. The smaller States contended that the convention was
transgressing its powers, and they demanded that the credentials of the
various members be read. In this there was technical accuracy, for the
delegates had been appointed to revise the Articles of Conf