d be with us. Looking at
the agricultural interests of Upper Canada, manufacturing of Lower
Canada, and maritime interests of the lower provinces, in respect to a
tariff, a federal government would be a mediator. No general feeling
of patriotism exists in the United States. In occasions of difficulty
each man sticks to his individual state. Mr Stephens, the present
vice-president [of the Confederacy], was a strong union man, yet, when
the time came, he went with his state. Similarly we should stick to
our province and not be British Americans. It would be introducing a
source of radical weakness. It would ruin us in the eyes of the
civilized world. All writers point out the errors of the United
States. All the feelings prognosticated by Tocqueville are shown to be
fulfilled.
These and other arguments prevailed. Several of the most influential
delegates were in theory in favour of legislative union, and these were
anxious to create, as the best alternative, a general parliament
wielding {69} paramount authority. This object was attained by means
of three important clauses in the new constitution: one enumerating the
powers of the federal and provincial bodies respectively and assigning
the undefined residue to the federal parliament; another conferring
upon the federal ministry the right to dismiss for cause the
lieutenant-governors; and another declaring that any provincial law
might, within one year, be disallowed by the central body. Instead of
a loosely knit federation, therefore, which might have fallen to pieces
at the first serious strain, it was resolved to bring the central
legislature into close contact at many points with the individual
citizen, and thus raise the new state to the dignity of a nation.
How the designs of the Fathers have been modified by the course of
events is well known. The federal power has been restrained from undue
encroachment on provincial rights by the decisions, on various issues,
of the highest court, the judicial committee of the Imperial Privy
Council. The power to dismiss lieutenant-governors was found to be
fraught with danger and has been rarely exercised. The dismissal of
Letellier, a strong Liberal, from the lieutenant-governorship of Quebec
by the {70} Conservative ministry at Ottawa in 1879, gave rise to some
uneasiness and criticism. The reason assigned was that his 'usefulness
was gone,' since both houses of parliament had passed resolutions
calling f
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