luence with the masses, which was every day increasing, Pius IX. would
have succeeded in establishing a system of government as constitutional
and as free as was at all compatible with his own rights as sovereign.
These rights he was not at liberty to abandon. No greater measure of
political freedom could be reasonably desired by any people. From all
history it is manifest that liberty is as fully enjoyed, and established
on a more secure and permanent basis, under the fostering auspices of a
constitutional monarchy, than in the best regulated republics. Such a form
of government may indeed be said to be more republican than monarchical.
But although possessing many properties, and all the popular advantages of
a Republic, it does not cease to be a monarchy. The kingly dignity still
remains with all that appertains to it, and is an essential element of its
constitution. Such was the monarchy that Pius IX. desired to retain, and
which he was bound in conscience, he believed, never to relinquish. That
in this he was sincere his high character bears witness. Never was there a
less selfish sovereign, or a man of more upright mind and sounder
judgment. No prince ever held less to prerogative. Essential rights he was
firmly resolved to maintain, whilst he never would have shrunk from any
legitimate concession. Whatever was adapted to the time and the
circumstances of his country, useful to his people, and conformable to a
well-informed and sound public opinion, he was prepared to introduce into
the economy of the State. But, the complete secularization of public power
in the Pontifical States, in other words, the establishment of a Republic
based on anti-Christian principles,--the _Red Republic_,--could never for a
moment be contemplated. What may be called the consultative Government had
just entered upon the discharge of its duties, when Pius IX. resolved to
render it completely representative. This important resolution was the
subject of frequent conversations with M. Rossi, at the time ambassador at
Rome of the French constitutional monarchy. M. Rossi wrote as follows, to
his government, in January, 1848:

"It is a problem which, after much reflection, I consider may be
solved. The divisions of sovereignty in the world have been
numerous and diverse. And as they lasted for ages, we might even
try one more, beginning by separating entirely the temporal from
the spiritual--the Pope from the King. Only it