sters the new constitution might
have proved successful. So thought many persons who were well informed and
competent to form an opinion in regard to so difficult a question. It had
also many well-wishers. But for the war agitation, it would, to all
appearance, have had a different fate. According to the exaggerated idea
of Italian patriotism which prevailed, all true Italians were bound to
fight for their country. On the Mamiani ministry devolved the very arduous
task of reconciling this warlike spirit with the pacific character of the
Pontificate. The Pope, like any other sovereign, had a right, no doubt, to
defend himself. But both the theology which guided him and the traditions
of his sovereignty forbade him to wage war on any people. Such was the
difficulty which it fell to the lot of his ministry to solve. The
arguments to which they had recourse, however well meant, were certainly
very puerile. The Pope, as such, they insisted, might decide for peace,
and condemn the shedding of blood, whilst, as temporal sovereign, he would
authorize his ministers to act as should seem to them proper, and they
would declare for war. This miserable sophistry only showed the weakness
of the government which employed it. The Pontiff could not be expected to
act as if he were two distinct persons. Nor whilst his ministers waged
war, could he, whose representatives they were, be considered as neutral.
For a few months that this ministry remained in office, the Pope continued
to save his States by resisting the war-cry in opposition to their wishes.
They were constantly at variance with him on this one great topic. His
repugnance to war they could neither comprehend nor overcome. Popular
demonstrations of the most threatening kind were often made, but to no
purpose.

Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentum mente quatit solida.

The Pontiff could not be moved from his firm resolve. The ministry,
however, was shaken. With no better stay than sophistry and inconsistency,
its weakness became apparent, and, as had been for some time clearly
inevitable, it fell.

Before considering further the statesman-like efforts of Pius IX. in the
cause of reform, it may not be out of place to review briefly the
political opinion of the time. Although all men cannot be expected to
accept, especially in many important matters, all the ideas of those
distinguished writers, Gioberti, Balbo, D'Azeglio, it would be u