r much difficulty and many adventures, and went to Cuba and to
France: but he returned in 1867 to Georgia and resumed the practice
of law.

He was notoriously the Big Rebel, even after the war, and refused to
take the oath of allegiance: when asked by a Northern friend why he
had never sued for pardon, he said, "Pardon for what? I have not
pardoned you all yet." Later in life he said that he regretted not
having re-instated himself in citizenship and taken part in public
affairs. See his Life, by P. A. Stovall, and by C. C. Jones, Jr.

WORKS.

Speeches.

Mr. Toombs' speeches in Congress are said to have been fiery,
powerful, and dogmatic. As a lawyer, Chief-Justice Jackson thus
characterizes his style: "Concentrated fire was always his policy. A
single sentence would win his case. A big thought, compressed into
small compass, was fatal to his foe. It is the clear insight of a
great mind only that shapes out truth in words few and simple. Brevity
is power, wherever thought is strong."

"There is a regular mythology about Toombs at his State University.
The things he said would fill a volume of Sydney Smith, while the
pranks he played would rival the record of Robin Hood."--Stovall's
Life of Toombs.

FAREWELL TO THE SENATE, 1861.

(_From Stovall's Life of Toombs._[17])

Senators, my countrymen have demanded no new government. They have
demanded no new constitution. The discontented States have demanded
nothing but clear, distinct, constitutional rights, rights older than
the Constitution. What do these rebels demand? First, that the people
of the United States shall have an equal right to emigrate and settle
in the Territories with whatever property (including slaves) they
possess. Second, that property in slaves shall be entitled to the same
protection from the government as any other property (leaving the
State the right to prohibit, protect, or abolish slavery within its
limits). Third, that persons committing crimes against slave property
in one State and flying to another shall be given up. Fourth, that
fugitive slaves shall be surrendered. Fifth, that Congress shall pass
laws for the punishment of all persons who shall aid and abet invasion
and insurrection in any other State. . . . . .

You will not regard confederate obligations; you will not regard
constitutional obligations; you will not regard your oaths. What,
then, am I to do? Am I a freeman? Is my State a free State? We are
freemen; we h