a
full opportunity to answer me. I am nearly through, and generally no
good comes of interruptions. They only consume time.

I was about to say, that I do not propose to go into the question of
who was to blame for that repeal. I agree with gentlemen from the
South, that there is no profit now in discussing the origin of our
troubles--in inquiring who set the house on fire before we put on the
water.

Mr. CLAY:--Does the gentleman do justice to Mr. CLAY, when at one
moment he says that Mr. CLAY held up the arms of the administration,
strengthened the Executive, and aided the Government in putting down
secession, and in the next, states that the compromise of 1850 was the
cause of all our troubles, when it is well known that Mr. CLAY
strongly favored that compromise?

Mr. SMITH:--When I speak of the unhappy effect of the compromise
measures of 1850, I ascribe no wrong motives to Mr. CLAY or any one
else. If he approved that compromise, I have no doubt he did it in the
full belief that it would be beneficial to the country. Experience has
shown that he was mistaken. Saying this is doing no injustice to Mr.
CLAY. I spoke only of effects. I spoke of the zeal and the energy with
which the patriots and eminent statesmen of all parties of this
country have been accustomed to come forward and sustain the
administration when any necessity existed for doing so. Now let this
Conference--let all true friends of the Union everywhere, with one
voice, without attempting to place any section or any man in a false
or disagreeable position, unite in one determined effort in behalf of
the Union, and in an attempt to bring the rash and dangerous men who
would seek the destruction of the Government back to a sense of duty.
Let us address the country, let us show that we are devoted to the
Union, far beyond any considerations of party or self; let us invoke
the aid of all true and patriotic men; let us ask them to lay aside
for the time all other considerations, and give themselves for the
present to the country! The spirit of the old time is yet alive. We
can call it out in more than its old strength and vigor, and it will
save the country. Our private interests may suffer, but the great
interests of the Union will be strengthened and preserved, and the
Constitution, which has been our pride and strength, will not be
dragged down into the great whirlpool of disunion. I appeal to the
venerable and able men around me, who bear historic n