mbered with
pride and pleasure by all. I would have a similar course pursued now.
The result would be equally grand, equally gratifying. It would rally
every patriot, every friend of the Union from every section, to its
support. You, gentlemen of the South, now friends of the Union, still
give it the strength of your support, the favor of your countenance,
and you shall be supported and sustained as you can be in no other
way. You shall have the support of the power of the Government and of
every friend of the Union in the country.

You remember how those patriotic statesmen, CLAY and
WEBSTER--differing from the Executive, opposing his election with all
the strength of their gigantic intellects--when the authority of the
Government was questioned, and South Carolina, under the lead of Mr.
CALHOUN, undertook to set herself up in opposition to it--how they
waived all former differences, and instead of encouraging secession by
their delay and timidity, without asking for new guarantees or for
amendments of the Constitution, came voluntarily and earnestly to the
support of the Executive and the administration, because the Executive
was right, and was the chosen instrument of the people to preserve the
integrity of the Union.

Mr. BARRINGER:--If the gentleman will excuse me, I will state that the
course of the Executive against South Carolina was universally
acquiesced in except in that State. And yet the opinion that President
JACKSON far exceeded his powers, was equally unanimous. That precedent
has been greatly misinterpreted.

Mr. SMITH:--I thank the gentleman from North Carolina. He entertains
his opinions, I do mine, as to what then saved the Union. I should not
probably be able to make him think with me; but I feel sure that the
idea prevails quite extensively, that South Carolina returned to the
path of duty then, because the power of the Government was wielded by
an honest and energetic Executive. She came to the conclusion that any
other course would probably be attended with danger.

Our present differences had no very remote origin. They belong to our
own generation, and we ought to be compelled to deal with them. I
think the so-called compromise of 1850 was the cause of all our
troubles--that instead of saving the country it brought it into
greater danger than it ever was before.

Mr. BARRINGER:--I wish to make a suggestion on that point.

Mr. SMITH:--I hope the gentleman will not forget that he will have