ike an narrative either of the
rebellion or of the Union. No other book of his shows such evident
traces of having been written under the influence of Carlyle.
Carlyle's horror of democracy, worship of force, his belief that
martial law was the law of Almighty God, and that cruelty might
always be perpetrated on the right side, are conspicuously displayed.
If Froude spoke of the Roman Catholic Church, he always seemed to
fancy himself back in the sixteenth century, when the murder of
Protestants was regarded at the Vatican as justifiable. The Irish
rebellion of 1798 was led by Protestants, like Lord Edward Fitzgerald,
and free thinkers, like Wolfe Tone. But for the recall of Lord
Fitzwilliam, the Catholics would have taken no part in it, and it
would not have been more dangerous than the rebellion of 1848. Such
at least was Lecky's opinion, supported by weighty arguments, and by
facts which cannot be denied. If Froude's reputation as an historian
depended upon his English in Ireland, it certainly would not stand
high. Of course he had as much right to put the English case as
Father Burke had to put the Irish one. But his responsibility was far
greater, and his splendid talents might have been better employed
than in reviving the mutual animosities of religion or of race.

--
* See Froude's English in Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 320, 321;
Lecky's History of England, vol. viii. p. 52.
--

When Lecky reviewed, with much critical asperity, the last two
volumes of Froude's English in Ireland for Macmillan's Magazine* he
referred to Home Rule as a moderate and constitutional movement. His
own History was not completed till 1890. But when Gladstone
introduced his first Home Rule Bill, in 1886, Lecky opposed it as
strongly as Froude himself. Lecky was quite logical, for the
question whether the Union had been wisely or legitimately carried
had very little to do with the expedience of repealing it. Fieri non
debuit, factum valet, may be common sense as well as good law. But
Froude was not unnaturally triumphant to find his old antagonist in
Irish matters on his side, especially as Freeman was a Home Ruler.
Froude's attitude was never for a moment doubtful. He had always
held that the Irish people were quite unfitted for self-government,
and of all English statesmen Gladstone was the one he trusted least.
He had a theory that great orators were always wrong, even when,
like Pitt and Fox, they were on opposite sides. Gladstone he d