esidency was obviously modeled after the governorship of the
individual States, and yet the incumbent was to be at the head of the
Thirteen States. Rufus King is frequently quoted to the effect that the
men of that time had been accustomed to considering themselves subjects
of the British king. Even at the time of the Convention there is good
evidence to show that some of the members were still agitating the
desirability of establishing a monarchy in the United States. It was a
common rumor that a son of George III was to be invited to come over,
and there is reason to believe that only a few months before the
Convention met Prince Henry of Prussia was approached by prominent
people in this country to see if he could be induced to accept the
headship of the States, that is, to become the king of the United
States. The members of the Convention evidently thought that they were
establishing something like a monarchy. As Randolph said, the people
would see "the form at least of a little monarch," and they did not want
him to have despotic powers. When the sessions were over, a lady asked
Franklin: "Well, Doctor, what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?" "A
republic," replied the doctor, "if you can keep it."
The increase of powers accruing to the executive office necessitated
placing a corresponding check upon the exercise of those powers. The
obvious method was to render the executive subject to impeachment,
and it was also readily agreed that his veto might be overruled by a
two-thirds vote of Congress; but some further safeguards were necessary,
and the whole question accordingly turned upon the method of his
election and the length of his term. In the course of the proceedings of
the Convention, at several different times, the members voted in favor
of an appointment by the national legislature, but they also voted
against it. Once they voted for a system of electors chosen by the State
legislatures and twice they voted against such a system. Three times
they voted to reconsider the whole question. It is no wonder that Gerry
should say: "We seem to be entirely at a loss."
So it came to the end of August, with most of the other matters disposed
of and with the patience of the delegates worn out by the long strain
of four weeks' close application. During the discussions it had become
apparent to every one that an election of the President by the people
would give a decided advantage to the large States, so that agai
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