nally assumed. Their greatest service was in restraining the tendency
of the majority to overrule the rights of States and in modifying the
desires of individuals for a government that would have been too strong
to work well in practice.

Alexander Hamilton of New York, as one of the ablest members of the
Convention, was expected to take an important part, but he was out of
touch with the views of the majority. He was aristocratic rather than
democratic and, however excellent his ideas may have been, they were too
radical for his fellow delegates and found but little support. He threw
his strength in favor of a strong government and was ready to aid the
movement in whatever way he could. But within his own delegation he was
outvoted by Robert Yates and John Lansing, and before the sessions were
half over he was deprived of a vote by the withdrawal of his colleagues.
Thereupon, finding himself of little service, he went to New York and
returned to Philadelphia only once or twice for a few days at a time,
and finally to sign the completed document. Luther Martin of Maryland
was an able lawyer and the Attorney-General of his State; but he was
supposed to be allied with undesirable interests, and it was said that
he had been sent to the Convention for the purpose of opposing a strong
government. He proved to be a tiresome speaker and his prosiness, when
added to the suspicion attaching to his motives, cost him much of the
influence which he might otherwise have had.

All in all, the delegates to the Federal Convention were a remarkable
body of men. Most of them had played important parts in the drama of
the Revolution; three-fourths of them had served in Congress, and
practically all were persons of note in their respective States and had
held important public positions. They may not have been the "assembly of
demigods" which Jefferson called them, for another contemporary insisted
"that twenty assemblies of equal number might be collected equally
respectable both in point of ability, integrity, and patriotism."
Perhaps it would be safer to regard the Convention as a fairly
representative body, which was of a somewhat higher order than would
be gathered together today, because the social conditions of those
days tended to bring forward men of a better class, and because the
seriousness of the crisis had called out leaders of the highest type.

Two or three days were consumed in organizing the Convention--electing
officers