ot in a condition to cast the
first stone. Italy, Spain, Austria, Russia, and France have had
corruption enough to make them blush. As England is held up for our
copying, and is less censurable than the others, I cite a few instances
from her history. May, in "Constitutional History of England," Vol. I.,
p. 299 says: "Our Parliamentary history has been tainted with this
disgrace of vulgar bribes for political support from the reign of
Charles II. far into that of George III." For shamefulness of public
life Charles II. stands without a rival. He was a pensioner of the King
of France, and applied to his own privy purse large sums of money which
had been appropriated by Parliament for carrying on the war. The
equipoise designed to be secured in the National Legislature by the
House of Commons was defeated because the House was at once dependent
and corrupt. Borough nominations, places, pensions, contracts, shares
in loans and lotteries, and even pecuniary bribes, secured the
ascendency of Crown and Lords in the councils and government of the
State. Sunderland, Secretary of State under James II., stipulated to
receive 25,000 crowns from the King of France for services to be
rendered. Walpole's and Pelham's administrations were notorious for the
very audacity of their corruptions. In the reign of Anne Parliamentary
corruption was extensive and unblushing. Sir John Trevor, the Speaker,
accepted a bribe and did the dirty work of bribing other members. In
the reign of George I., during his first Parliament, 271 members held
offices, pensions, and sinecures; in the first of George II., 257. In
1776 Lord Chatham accused the ministers of "servility, incapacity,
corruption." Macaulay says Lord North's administration was supported by
vile and corrupt means, and the King, George III., was not only
cognizant of Parliamentary bribery, but advised it and contributed
money to it. Although there has been much improvement in the character
and purity of the public men, yet as late as 1829 the pension list was
above L750,000.

The principle of a representative constitutional republic is right.
Much of the evil which afflicts us is the result of a departure from
our original system; is an accident rather than essential, and is
certainly not to be cured by a monarchical government.

In suggesting some remedies or palliatives for present ills it is not
needful to startle by novelties. Truth is generally commonplace,
honesty always. A return