nt would, in the opinion of
Viscount Palmerston, be alike dangerous and dishonourable; and as
to the accompanying alliance with Austria for the future defence of
Turkey and for making war with Russia, if she were to raise her Black
Sea Fleet up to the amount of 1853, what reason is there to believe
that Austria, who shrinks from war with Russia now that the Army
of Russia has been much reduced by the losses of the last twelve
months--now that her Forces are divided and occupied elsewhere than on
the Austrian frontier, and now that England and France are actually in
the field with great Armies, supported by great Fleets, what reason
is there to believe that this same Austria would be more ready to
make war four or five years hence, when the Army of Russia shall have
repaired its losses and shall be more concentrated to attack
Austria, when the Austrian Army shall have been reduced to its Peace
Establishment, and when the Peace Establishments of England and
France, withdrawn within their home stations, shall be less ready to
co-operate with Austria in war? What reason, moreover, is there for
supposing that Austria, who has recently declared that though prepared
for war she will not make war for ten sail of the Line more or less
in the Russian Black Sea Fleet, will some few years hence, when
unprepared for war, draw the sword on account of the addition of one
ship of war to the Russian Fleet in the Black Sea?
Such proposals are really a mockery.
[Footnote 55: It had long become evident that Russia
would refuse assent to the Third Point, terminating her
preponderance in the Black Sea, but Austria now came forward
with a proposal to limit the Russian force there to the number
of ships authorised before the war. This was rejected by
Russia, whereupon the representatives of England and France
withdrew from the negotiations. Count Buol, representing
Austria, then came forward again with a scheme the salient
features of which were that, if Russia increased her Black Sea
fleet beyond its existing strength, Turkey might maintain a
force equal to it, and England and France might each have a
naval force in the Black Sea equal to half the Russian force,
while the increase of the Russian fleet beyond its strength
in 1853 would be regarded by Austria as a _casus belli_. These
terms were satisfactory neither to the British Government
nor to the French Emperor, so that
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