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and by the same act claimed for others what they claimed for themselves. "The under tenants were protected against all exactions of their lords in precisely the same terms as they were protected against the lawless exactions of the Crown." From such a provision for the protection of the fundamental rights of person and property it is a far cry to the conclusion that the people cannot remedy the injustice which inflicts all the consequences of accidents which occur in extrahazardous trades upon the individual who, in practicing that trade, happens to be subjected to the peril. Common sense, as well as frequent decisions of the courts, sustain Daniel Webster's definition of the scope of the Constitutional provision embodying in our law this provision of the Great Charter: "The meaning is that every citizen shall hold his life, liberty, and property and immunities under the protection of general rules which govern society." That society can never make new rules for the better protection of life, liberty, and property and immunities, is a doctrine as repugnant to reason as it is to social progress. It is equally repugnant to the principle of interpretation laid down by the Supreme Court of the United States: "The law is perfectly well settled that the first ten amendments to the Constitution, commonly known as the Bill of Rights, were not intended to lay down any novel principles of government, but simply to embody certain guarantees and immunities which we had inherited from our English ancestors."[77] And it seems never even to have occurred to English law makers that the Workman's Compensation Act is inconsistent with this provision of their Great Charter--a charter which is as much a part of the British constitution as the Fifth and Tenth Amendments are of ours. In the English Constitution, as in the American, the principle is carefully defined in writing. The only difference is that in England the Parliament is the final judge of its meaning; in the United States that final judge is the Supreme Court of the United States. At least it ought to be. But the New York Court of Appeals does not allow that it is the final authority. In this particular case it is not, for no appeal lies by the plaintiff in this case from the state to the national court. But an appeal does lie by the public. _The Outlook_ takes such an appeal. And it declares without hesitation that the decision of the New York Court of Appeals is in conflic
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