t placed in him, for the safety of the people, in
a case where the uncertainty and variableness of human affairs could not
bear a steady fixed rule: for it not being possible, that the first
framers of the government should, by any foresight, be so much masters
of future events, as to be able to prefix so just periods of return and
duration to the assemblies of the legislative, in all times to come,
that might exactly answer all the exigencies of the common-wealth; the
best remedy could be found for this defect, was to trust this to the
prudence of one who was always to be present, and whose business it was
to watch over the public good. Constant frequent meetings of the
legislative, and long continuations of their assemblies, without
necessary occasion, could not but be burdensome to the people, and must
necessarily in time produce more dangerous inconveniencies, and yet the
quick turn of affairs might be sometimes such as to need their present
help: any delay of their convening might endanger the public; and
sometimes too their business might be so great, that the limited time of
their sitting might be too short for their work, and rob the public of
that benefit which could be had only from their mature deliberation.
What then could be done in this case to prevent the community from being
exposed some time or other to eminent hazard, on one side or the other,
by fixed intervals and periods, set to the meeting and acting of the
legislative, but to intrust it to the prudence of some, who being
present, and acquainted with the state of public affairs, might make use
of this prerogative for the public good? and where else could this be so
well placed as in his hands, who was intrusted with the execution of the
laws for the same end? Thus supposing the regulation of times for the
assembling and sitting of the legislative, not settled by the original
constitution, it naturally fell into the hands of the executive, not as
an arbitrary power depending on his good pleasure, but with this trust
always to have it exercised only for the public weal, as the occurrences
of times and change of affairs might require. Whether settled periods of
their convening, or a liberty left to the prince for convoking the
legislative, or perhaps a mixture of both, hath the least inconvenience
attending it, it is not my business here to inquire, but only to shew,
that though the executive power may have the prerogative of convoking
and dissolving su