ny further delay occurred in complying
with the moderate and reasonable demand of the American Government for
the immediate release or the immediate trial of the American "suspects,"
the relations between Great Britain and the United States would be very
seriously "strained."
This despatch was at once communicated to Mr. Gladstone. Within the
week, the liberation was announced of six American "suspects." Within a
fortnight, Mr. Parnell, Mr. O'Kelly, and Mr. Dillon, it is understood,
imprisoned members of Parliament, were offered their liberty if they
would consent to a sham exile on the Continent for a few weeks, or even
days; and within a month Mr. Forster, in his place in Parliament, was
imputing to his late chief and Premier the negotiation of that
celebrated "Treaty of Kilmainham," which was repudiated with equal
warmth by the three Irish members already named, and by Mr. Gladstone.
NOTE D.
THE PARNELLITES AND THE ENGLISH PARTIES.
(Prologue, p. 1.)
As I am not writing a history of English parties, I need not discuss
here the truth or falsehood of this contention. But I cannot let it pass
without a word as to two cases which came under my own observation, and
which aggravate the inherent improbability of the tale. In November 1885
I went to America, and on my way passed through Stockport, where my
friend, Mr. Jennings, long my correspondent in England, was then
standing as a Conservative candidate. I attended one of his meetings and
heard him make an effective speech, much applauded, which turned
exclusively upon imperial and financial issues. That he had no
understanding whatever with the "managers" of the Irish vote in
Stockport, I have the best reason to believe. But he was assured by them
that the Irish intended to vote for him; and at a subsequent time he was
rashly assailed in the House of Commons by an Irish member with the
charge that he had broken faith with the Irish who elected him. It was
an unlucky assault for the assailant, as it gave Mr. Jennings an
opportunity, which he promptly improved, to show that he owed nothing to
the Irish voters of Stockport. Whether they voted for him in any number
in 1885 was more than doubtful; while in 1886 they voted solidly against
him, with the result of swelling his majority from 369 to 518 votes.
In January 1886 I returned to Europe, and going on a visit into
Yorkshire, there met a prominent Irish Nationalist, who told me that he
had come into the
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