tions were arranged. The
telegraph lines were all to be disconnected for a number of hours so
that even if the conspirators--assuming there were any--should discover
his change of plan, they would be unable to communicate with Baltimore.
The one soldier in the party, Colonel Sumner, vehemently protested
that these changes were all "a damned piece of cowardice." But Lincoln
acquiesced in the views of the majority of his advisers. He passed
through Baltimore virtually in disguise; nothing happened; no certain
evidence of a conspiracy was discovered. And all his enemies took up the
cry of cowardice and rang the changes upon it.(7)

Meanwhile, despite all this semblance of indecision, of feebleness,
there were signs that the real inner Lincoln, however clouded, was still
alive. By way of offset to his fatuous utterances, there might have been
set, had the Country been in a mood to weigh with care, several strong
and clear pronouncements. And these were not merely telling phrases like
that characteristic one about the bookkeeping of the front door. His
mind was struggling out of its shadow. And the mode of its reappearance
was significant. His reasoning upon the true meaning of the struggle he
was about to enter, reached a significant stage in the speech he made at
Harrisburg.(8)

"I have often inquired of myself," he said, "what great principle or
idea it was that kept this Confederacy (the United States) so long
together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the
colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of
Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of the country
but hope to all the world for all future time. It was that which gave
promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders
of all men and that all should have an equal chance. This is the
sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends,
can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider
myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it.
If it can not be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But
if this country can not be saved without giving up that principle, I was
about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender
it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need
of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it I am not in favor of
such a course, and I may say in advance that th