dent Wilson, with the approval of Great Britain and
France, had laid down as a minimum, if they were to realize their
national unity. And, of course, these writers deprecated any reference
to the pressure which France and Great Britain brought to bear upon the
Yugoslavs when the negotiations at Rapallo were in danger of falling
through. If we take two Scottish newspapers, the _Scotsman_[59] was
typical of this very bland attitude; it congratulated everyone on the
harmonious close to a long, intricate and frequently dangerous
controversy. The _Glasgow Herald_,[60] on the other hand, was one of the
few newspapers which took a more than superficial view. "Monstrous," it
said, "as such intervention seems, no student of the Adriatic White
Paper--as lamentable a collection of documents as British diplomacy has
to show--can deny its possibility, nay its probability. It is precisely
the same game as was nearly successful in January 1920 and again in
April 1920, but both times was frustrated by Wilson. We are entitled to
ask, for the honour of our nation, if it has been played again; indeed
if the whole mask of direct negotiation--a British suggestion--was not
devised at San Remo with the express purpose of making the game succeed.
If it be so--and if it is not so it is imperative that we are given
frankly the full story of British policy in the Adriatic, for instance
the dispatches so carefully omitted from the White Paper--then our
forebodings for the future are more than justified.... It is
emphatically a bad settlement."

"We shall not establish friendly and normal relations with our neighbour
Italy unless we reduce all causes of friction to a minimum," said M.
Vesni['c], the Yugoslav Prime Minister, who during his long tenure of
the Paris Legation was an active member of the Academie des Inscriptions
et Belles-Lettres and other learned societies; he excelled in getting at
the root of the worst difficulties in international law, and he was
particularly admired for his ability to combine legal and historic
knowledge. Because he studied history minutely--with a special fondness
for Gambetta who, racially an Italian, had something of the generous and
sacred fervour that distinguished the leaders of the Risorgimento--M.
Vesni['c] could not bring himself to hate Italy, despite all that
d'Annunzio and other Imperialists had made his countrymen suffer.
"Neither the Government nor the elected representatives of the Serbs,
Croats and