was a friend and an
ally."[64] Because M. Poincare, in the days before the Montenegrins had
rejected Nikita, addressed him as "Very Dear and Great Friend"--the
ordinary form of words for a reigning monarch--Mr. M'Neill actually
seems to think that France was for evermore compelled to clasp Nikita to
her bosom. He clearly admires those who, since the end of the War, have
risen in the cause of their old King; and I suppose that in consequence
he disapproves of the Omladina, the voluntary association of men who
banded themselves together to resist the terrorism of the pro-King
komitadjis. If he had been in Montenegro during the years after the War
he would possibly agree that komitadji is the proper name for the many
lawless elements who have found the traditional fighting life more
congenial than the thankless task of tilling their very barren land. The
moral effect of opposing to these the Montenegrin Omladina instead of
Serbian troops was to destroy all pretence of the movement being a
national Montenegrin insurrection against the union, and the cessation
of assistance from Italy resulted in the complete suppression of the
movement. The few outlaws who still remain at large, said Mr. Bryce in
December 1920, are in no sense political, but are merely bandits. And as
the Omladina has now no _raison d'etre_ they have disbanded themselves.
Much now depends on the Constitution. If it gives them equal rights--and
naturally it will--with the other inhabitants of Yugoslavia the
Montenegrins will be content.

* * * * *

In August 1921 the _Secolo_ of Milan sent a famous correspondent to
Montenegro. He came to much the same conclusions as Messrs. Bryce and
Temperley. Not a single political prisoner was to be found, and not one
of the ex-soldiers who returned from Gaeta had been molested. The
correspondent thought that the Serbs had been ill-advised at the
beginning to employ forcible methods against the pro-Nikita partisans
who were opposed to Yugoslavia; they should, said he, have let the pear
ripen spontaneously and fall into their lap. But now their policy had
become one of conciliation: during the last two and a half years
Montenegro had received from Belgrade for public works, pensions and
subsidies, 93 million dinars, and had paid in taxes only 5 millions.
Secondary education had been increased, and 700 Montenegrin students (of
whom 500 are allotted a monthly grant) frequent Yugoslav universit