The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become
such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress, and
afterwards three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of
the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their
concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms.
This assurance would end the struggle now and save the Union forever.
I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to
the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation, nor do
I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more
experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in
view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want
of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display.
Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is
it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national
prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we
here--Congress and executive--can secure its adoption? Will not the good
people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they,
by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects?
We can succeed only by concert. It is not "Can any of us imagine better?"
but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the
question recurs, "Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with
difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we
must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we
shall save our country.
Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and this
administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery
trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the
latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget
that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we
do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the
fre
|