nks that
there is no reason why we should any longer confine ourselves to the
mere assertion of abstract principles, such as "non-intervention in
the internal affairs of other countries," "moral support to liberal
institutions," "protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving
powers which were put in operation by the French Revolution of 1848,
and the events consequent on it, are no longer so obscure; they
have assumed distinct and tangible forms in almost all the countries
affected by them (in France, in Italy, Germany, etc.), and upon the
state of things now existing, and the experience gained, the Queen
would hope that our Foreign Policy may be _more specifically defined_,
and that it may be considered how the general principles are to be
practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each Continental
State.

The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme embracing these
different relations should be submitted to her, and would suggest
whether it would not be the best mode if Lord John were to ask Lord
Granville to prepare such a paper and to lay it before her after
having revised it.

This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville, and enable
the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the Policy, as in future
to be conducted, will be in conformity with the principles laid down
and approved.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _29th December 1851._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
received your Majesty's communication of yesterday, and will transmit
it to Lord Granville.

It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of this
country is not to bind the Crown and country by engagements, unless
upon special cause shown, arising out of the circumstances of the day.

For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between England,
France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the general principle of
non-intervention; so was the interference in Portugal in 1847, but
were both justified by circumstances.

Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from which
deviations may not frequently be made.

The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they should do unto
us is more applicable than any system of political science. The honour
of England does not consist in defending every English officer or
English subject, right or wrong, but in taking care that she does not
infringe the rules of justice,