portion to its population, with a prosperity
almost unknown in the history of the world, that State stands before
us to-day in all her dignity, strength, wealth, intelligence, and
virtue. And if we, by adopting similar principles in other States, can
secure such results, we certainly have an inducement to consider well
how far this condition is to be attributed to her diffused education,
and to the provisions of her constitution."

At the close of Mr. Kasson's speech, a colloquy occurred between him
and his colleague, Mr. Price, eliciting the fact that the question of
negro suffrage in Iowa had been squarely before the people of that
State in the late fall election, and their vote had been in favor of
the measure by a majority of sixteen thousand.

Mr. Julian, of Indiana, having obtained the floor near the hour of
adjournment, made his argument on the following day, when the
consideration of the question was resumed. In answer to the objection
that negro voting would "lead to the amalgamation of the races or
social equality," he said: "On this subject there is nothing left to
conjecture, and no ground for alarm. Negro suffrage has been very
extensively tried in this country, and we are able to appeal to facts.
Negroes had the right to vote in all the Colonies save one, under the
Articles of Confederation. They voted, I believe, generally, on the
question of adopting the Constitution of the United States. They have
voted ever since in New York and the New England States, save
Connecticut, in which the practice was discontinued in 1818. They
voted in New Jersey till the year 1840; in Virginia and Maryland till
1833; in Pennsylvania till 1838; in Delaware till 1831; and in North
Carolina and Tennessee till 1836. I have never understood that in all
this experience of negro suffrage the amalgamation of the races was
the result. I think these evils are not at all complained of to this
day in New England and New York, where negro suffrage is still
practiced and recognized by law."

In answer to the argument that a "war of races" might ensue, Mr.
Julian said: "Sir, a war of races in this country can only be the
result of denying to the negro his rights, just as such wars have been
caused elsewhere; and the late troubles in Jamaica should teach us, if
any lesson can, the duty of dealing justly with our millions of
freedmen. Like causes must produce like results. English law made the
slaves of Jamaica free, but England failed