When it is
considered, that during the late administration, those who were not of
a particular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when, by a
steady pursuit of this measure, nearly the whole offices of the United
States were monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at
length declared itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence
to those whose opinions they more approved; was it to be imagined that
this monopoly of office was still to be continued in the hands of the
minority? Does it violate their equal rights, to assert some rights in
the majority also? Is it political intolerance to claim a proportionate
share in the direction of the public affairs? Can they not harmonize in
society unless they have every thing in their own hands? If the will
of the nation, manifested by their various elections, calls for an
administration of government according with the opinions of those
elected; if, for the fulfilment of that will, displacements are
necessary, with whom can they so justly begin as with persons appointed
in the last moments of an administration, not for its own aid, but to
begin a career at the same time with their successors, by whom they had
never been approved, and who could scarcely expect from them a cordial
co-operation? Mr Goodrich was one of these. Was it proper for him to
place himself in office, without knowing whether those whose agent he
was to be, would have confidence in his agency? Can the preference of
another as the successor to Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal of
Mr. Goodrich? If a due participation of office is a matter of right,
how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few; by resignation
none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a
painful office. But it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed
in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that it may injure the
best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility
with the least private distress; that it may be thrown, as much
as possible, on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on
anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies.

The remonstrance laments 'that a change in the administration must
produce a change in the subordinate officers;' in other words, that
it should be deemed necessary for all officers to think with their
principal? But on whom does this imputation bear? On those who have
excluded from office every shade of opini