al philanthropy, not only to kindred and friends,
to neighbors and countrymen, but to all mankind, gathering all into one
family, under the bonds of love charity, peace, common wants, and common
aids. A developement of this head will evince the peculiar superiority
of the system of Jesus over all others.

3. The precepts of philosophy, and of the Hebrew code, laid hold of
actions only. He pushed his scrutinies into the heart of man; erected
his tribunal in the region of his thoughts, and purified the waters at
the fountain head.

4. He taught, emphatically, the doctrine of a future state, which
was either doubted, or disbelieved by the Jews; and wielded it with
efficacy, as an important incentive, supplementary to the other motives
to moral conduct.

LETTER CCCV.--TO GENERAL GATES, July 11, 1803

TO GENERAL GATES.

Washington, July 11, 1803.

Dear General,

I accept with pleasure, and with pleasure reciprocate your
congratulations on the acquisition of Louisiana: for it is a subject
of mutual congratulation, as it interests every man of the nation. The
territory acquired, as it includes all the waters of the Missouri and
Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of the United States, and
the new part is not inferior to the old in soil, climate, productions,
and important communications. If our legislature dispose of it with the
wisdom we have a right to expect, they may make it the means of tempting
all our Indians on the east side of the Mississippi to remove to the
west, and of condensing instead of scattering our population. I find our
opposition is very willing to pluck feathers from Monroe, although not
fond of sticking them into Livingston's coat. The truth is, both have
a just portion of merit; and were it necessary or proper, it would be
shown that each has rendered peculiar services, and of important value.
These grumblers, too, are very uneasy lest the administration should
share some little credit for the acquisition, the whole of which they
ascribe to the accident of war. They would be cruelly mortified could
they see our files from May, 1801, the first organization of the
administration, but more especially from April, 1802. They would see,
that though we could not say when war would arise, yet we said with
energy what would take place when it should arise. We did not, by our
intrigues, produce the war; but we availed ourselves of it when it
happened. The other party saw the case now exis