n bretheren.' First, it was necessary to get control of the city
of St. Louis. The Republican party held the government of the city,
mayor, council, and police force--a formidable Union organization. The
legislature passed a bill repealing that part of the city charter that,
gave to the mayor the appointment of the police, and constituting a
board of police commissioners, to be appointed by the governor, who
should exercise that power. He named men that suited his purposes. The
Union police were discharged, and their places filled by secessionists.
Next, the State militia was to be organized in the interests of
rebellion, and a law was passed to accomplish that end. The State was
set off into divisions; military camps were to be established in each;
all able-bodied men between the ages of eighteen and fifty were liable
to be called into camp and drilled a given number of days in the year;
and, when summoned to duty, instead of taking the usual oath to support
the Constitution of the United States, they were required only to be
sworn 'to obey the orders of the governor of the State of Missouri.'
These camps were styled camps of instruction. One of them was
established at St. Louis, within the corporate limits of the city, about
two miles west of the court-house, on a commanding eminence.

Thus the lines began to be drawn closely around the Unionists of St.
Louis. The State convention had adjourned, and its members had gone
home, having done but little to re-assure the loyalists. They had,
indeed, passed an ordinance declaring that Missouri would adhere to the
Union; but the majority of the members had betrayed such hesitancy and
indecision, such a lack of stomach to grapple with the rude issues of
the rebellion, that their action passed almost without moral effect.
Their ordinance was treated with contempt by the secessionists, and
nearly lost sight of by the people; so thoroughly were all classes
lashed into excitement by the storm of revolution now blackening the
whole Southern Hemisphere.

The friends of the Union could look to but one quarter for aid, that was
Washington, where a new administration had so recently been installed,
amid difficulties that seemed to have paralyzed its power. The
government had been defied by the rebellion at every point; its ships
driven by hostile guns from Southern ports; its treasures seized; its
arsenals occupied, and its abundant arms and munitions appropriated.
Nowhere had the fed