chiefly in the sentiment of pride
and the consciousness of a great mission in the world which the
possession of these vast territories, scattered over the oceans,
naturally and properly inspires. The Colonies, on the other hand, have
not only some economic advantages in the better financial credit they
enjoy, but have the benefit of the British diplomatic and consular
service all over the world and of the status of British citizens in
every foreign country. It is also a political convenience to them to be
relieved by the presence of the Governor whom the mother country sends
out as an executive figure-head of their Cabinet system, from the
necessity of electing an executive chief, a convenience which those who
know the trouble occasioned by Presidential elections in the United
States can best appreciate. And, above all, the British Colonies have
the navy of Britain to defend them against molestation by any foreign
power. It may be said that they have also the risk of being involved in
any war into which Britain may enter. This risk has, however, never
become a reality; for during the last eighty years no Colony has ever
been even threatened with attack by a foreign State, while during all
that time the Colonies have been relieved from the cost and trouble of
maintaining the naval and military armaments which are needed to ensure
their safety. Thus, even leaving sentiment aside, the balance of
material advantage to the Colonies is great and real; while their
self-government is complete, for the mother country never interferes
with any matters of colonial concern, unless in the rare cases where a
matter primarily local may affect the general relations and interests of
the whole empire. When these facts have been fully realized in the Free
State and the Transvaal, it may well be that those States will be ready
to enter a confederation of which the British monarchy would be, as in
Canada and (probably before long) in Australia, the protecting suzerain,
for there would be in that suzerainty no real infringement of the
independence which the Free State has so happily enjoyed. It is
premature to speculate now on the best form which a scheme for South
African Confederation may take. All that need here be pointed out is
that the obstacles now perceived are not insurmountable obstacles, but
such as may be overcome by a close study of the conditions of the
problem, and by reasonable concessions on the part of South African
statesme
|