of other
times--neither Chatham or Burke nor Fox had surpassed it in their
palmiest days.

Mr. Webster's own feelings with reference to the speech were freely
expressed to his friend, Mr. Everett, the evening succeeding Mr. Hayne's
closing speech. He regarded the speech as an entirely unprovoked attack
on the North, and what was of far more importance, as an exposition of
politics in which Mr. Webster's opinion went far to change the form of
government from that which was established by the constitution into that
which existed under the confederation--if the latter could be called a
government at all. He stated it to be his intention therefore to put
that theory to rest forever, as far as it could be done by an argument
in the senate chamber. How grandly he did this is thus vividly portrayed
by Mr. March, an eye-witness, and whose account has been adopted by most
historians.

It was on Tuesday, January 26th, 1830--a day to be hereafter memorable
in senatorial annals--that the senate resumed the consideration of
Foot's resolution. There was never before in the city an occasion of so
much excitement. To witness this great intellectual contest multitudes
of strangers had, for two or more days previous, been rushing into the
city, and the hotels overflowed. As early as nine o'clock in the morning
crowds poured into the capitol in hot haste; at twelve o'clock, the hour
of meeting, the senate chamber, even its galleries, floor, and lobbies
was filled to its utmost capacity. The very stairways were dark with men
who hung on to one another like bees in a swarm.

The House of Representatives was early deserted. An adjournment would
hardly have made it emptier. The speaker, it is true, retained his
chair, but no business of moment was or could be attended to. Members
all rushed in to hear Mr. Webster, and no call of the House or other
parliamentary proceedings could call them back. The floor of the Senate
was so densely crowded that persons once in could not get out.

Seldom, if ever, has a speaker in this or any other country had more
powerful incentives to exertion; a subject, the determination of which
involved the most important interests and even duration of the
Republic--competitors unequaled in reputation, ability, or position; a
name to make still more renowned or lose forever; and an audience
comprising, not only American citizens most eminent in intellectual
greatness, but representatives of other nations where the