e's military school, Middletown, Connecticut. He studied the
science of law, and fitted himself for the profession, being admitted to
the bar in 1832, but the death of his father devolved upon him the
settlement of a large estate. This withdrew him from his intended
calling, but enabled him to give ample time and attention to reading,
for he had an intense thirst for knowledge.

His public life began with his appointment as military secretary to
Governor Marcy. Martin Van Buren is said to have seen with his keen eye
the valuable qualities in the young man, and the appointment was made at
his instance. Seymour held this place through Marcy's three terms,
1833-39, and being very young, he became enamored with public life. In
1841 he was elected to the State Assembly as a Democrat, was re-elected
three times, and in 1845 was chosen speaker, which office he filled with
dignity and courtesy toward all. In 1842, while in the assembly, he was
elected Mayor of Utica for one year, and was especially interested in
all public matters pertaining to the welfare of that city.

In 1850 Mr. Seymour was an unsuccessful candidate for governor of his
native State, being defeated by his personal friend, Washington Hurt, by
a plurality of only 262 votes. Considering the hopeless condition of the
Democratic party at that time, and his majority of 20,000 over the same
competitor two years later, we can imagine something of his popularity
at this early period. His first term as the executive of New York was
marked by his veto of the prohibitory law which had been passed by the
legislature, but his action in regard to the speedy completion of all
public works then in progress and the interest he manifested in the
diffusion of public education was very exemplary. However, in the
ensuing election he was defeated by a plurality, this time, of only 309
votes. In 1862 Mr. Seymour was again elected governor over Wadsworth by
nearly 11,000 majority.

The breaking out of the civil war found Mr. Seymour allied to that
element of the Democratic party which made its views formally known at
what has passed into history as the "Tweedle Hall" meeting. He was one
of the principal speakers at this memorable peace convention and
employed his eloquence in behalf of concession and conciliation, and
pointedly inquired: "Shall we compromise after war or without war?" His
position was analogous with many of the great men in both parties at
this time. When hostilit